Anna Eörsi

“…There is one among you whom you do not recognise”

 Some golden threads to Miklós Boskovits with reference to Duccio’s Saint John the Baptist

 

 

In the 96th issue of the Bulletin, Victor M. Schmidt with three categorical and a less definite argument refuted Miklós Boskovits’s theory that the painting under inv. no. 6. in the Museum of Fine Arts Budapest once belonged to the predella of Duccio’s Maestà (fig. 1).[1] “First, the red colour of Christ’s garment is too dark. Throughout the Maestà, Christ wears a bright red tunic... Second, Christ’s blue mantle is covered with golden striations. In the Maestà, this feature only occurs in the Transfiguration (London, National Gallery) and in the post-Resurrection scenes, so as to indicate Christ’s glorified state. Third, Christ’s halo and the shape of the Cross in it have painted contours, whereas all the halos in the Maestà have incised decorations. […] Finally, it would seem doubtful whether the scene of the Baptist Bearing Witness was represented in the Maestà’s predella at all.”[2]

The latest technical examination ascertained that from the original state of the picture only the coat of paint has remained; some parts of it are heavily repainted, others are in a better state of preservation.[3] The colours have endarkened, the mordent gilding on Christ’s robe is original. The halos were overpainted in the nineteenth century. Considering the fact that the painting lost not only its wooden support, but also its original canvas and stucco ground, we cannot rule out the possibility that the halos were originally incised.

In my opinion from among Schmidt’s counter-arguments – supporting his theory that the Budapest panel never belonged to the Maestà – his remarks on the golden striations and the theme of the painting cannot be justified, moreover, the golden ornament on Christ’s robe definitely places the depiction in proximity to the Maestà.

 

I. Golden striations (chrysography)

 

Chrysography is a characteristic technique of decoration with gold in Byzantine manuscript illumination, icon- and wall-painting.[4] In the abstracted web of the golden lines, the difference between illumination and glitter disappeared; the two together became the sign of divine radiance.[5] Throughout the thirteenth century in Italy, chrysography gradually lost its abstractness; in the hands of the most eminent painters it started to adjust to the structure of folds and the body.[6] In this process, Duccio (1278–1318/9), who handled the golden striations quite flexibly as one of the elements of the other naturalistic innovations of his style, played a decisive role. In his art, the former hard, stiff lines unambiguously follow the fall of the clothing; besides, they lend liveliness to the folds of the drapery.[7] All this has long been known; yet, in the literature, much less attention has been paid to the fact that the Sienese master not only incorporated chrysography into the linear structure of his style, but also invested it with a specific meaning.[8] And this is also an important aspect of the masterly handling of colour and light. It means that in Duccio’s art, the different qualities of light, the symbolical and that related to reality, began to separate.[9] As with grisaille,[10] also in the case of the golden striations, the process of stylistic refinement also produced an iconographical benefit.

Duccio is the first who, in this particular case, also in view of chrysography, differentiates between overgarments and undergarments, and with the golden lines consistently refers to the appearance of divine glory and to the divinified state itself.

 

Only the red robe, and not the cloak of the Virgin, is decorated with golden striations on the front side of the Maestà and namely in the Annunciation and in the scenes of the crowning section recalling the end of the Virgin’s life (fig. 2).[11] (In the scenes of her infancy, she wears the same clothing, but without the golden lines). On this Mariological side of the altarpiece the adult Christ appears only once, in the scene of the Dormition of the Virgin: the resurrected, glorified Redeemer holds his mother’s soul enveloped in a robe and a cloak shining with gold.

 

In the Passion-scenes on the reverse side, Duccio does not employ chrysography (fig. 3). From among the extant panels of the predella, it is only the Transfiguration in which Christ wears his red robe and blue cloak of divinity radiating with light. With a sole exception[12], he is dressed in a similar way in all the post-Resurrection scenes. On this Christological side of the altarpiece, the Virgin’s figure is distinguished with chrysography only on a single occasion, in the scene of the Pentecost. This time not only her robe, but also her cloak is decorated with golden lines.

 

II. The subject matter of the Budapest painting

 

Up till now, with the exception of Pigler and Stubblebine, no one has precisely defined the subject matter of the work.[13] It is not at all surprising, since in the literature dealing with St John the Baptist, sufficient attention has not been paid to this moment in the life of St John and Christ. We can see the event of bearing witness during the preaching, but which one?

 

In the Synoptic Gospels, less mention is made of it,[14] while John amply and diversely relates that: “A man named John was sent from God. He came for testimony, to testify to the light, so that all might believe through him.[15] John, right after the declaration of Incarnation, and over the following three days, repeatedly bears testimony of Christ; he describes the Baptism itself in this form, and later on, when Christ with his disciples goes to the land of Judea to baptize, he repeats his testimony.[16]

 

In the related art historical literature, the topic and the relationship of the preaching and testimonies are not clear. As regards the latter, only two or three occasions are usually alluded to.[17] All this is justified, in so far as the paintings are mostly not literal illustrations of the texts. But only for the most part. As in the case of other themes, the relationship of the also depictions to the related passages of the Gospels is intricate, changing from case to case.

It may happen that artists illustrate a text word for word, and also that similar compositions accompany different passages of the Bible.[18] Quite frequently, the chosen iconographical type lives an autonomous life, and it cannot be related to a given passage, nor even to the inscription on it.[19] The titles, rendered by posterity, are often misleading.[20]

From among the standard iconographical manuals, it is only Pigler who, with reference to the theme, stresses John 1:26: “but there is one among you whom you do not recognise”.[21] In my opinion, the paintings with the theme of the Testimony of St John comprise a hitherto neglected, well-definable group, which can be derived from this passage. The essence of the iconographical type is that the Logos is present in the midst of John’s audience, visible only for the Forerunner. This time, the Baptist does not identify the Agnus Dei, but announces that the Messiah is still invisible, but has already arrived.

 

The rendering of this specific moment of the preaching and bearing testimony probably evolved in tenth- to eleventh-century Byzantine manuscript illumination. Stubblebine refers to the Gospels of the Bibliothèque Nationale, Paris, grec 74, as the antecedent of the examples presented by him, which is, in my opinion, only partially justified.[22] On the recto of fol. 168, John preaches and bears testimony to the Pharisees and Levites interrogating him; furthermore, he answers their questions.[23] His audience is a compact group without the Redeemer. On the verso of fol. 168, Christ approaches accompanied by his followers, and to the right, John baptizes a Jew (fig. 4).[24] On the same page, the illustration of another testimony is shown,[25] which is followed on the recto of fol. 169 by the Baptism. The group with the Redeemer in the focus in the first scene of the verso of fol. 168 seems to be the result of a double contamination: the rendition may have evolved partly from the figure of Christ, the “one among you whom you do not recognise”, appearing among priests and Levites, and partly from his figure accompanied by his followers.[26]

 

Stubblebine pointed out that the immediate antecedents of the iconography of the Budapest painting are to be found in Byzantine monumental painting.[27] On the southern wall of the central nave of the Protaton Church on Mount Athos, the discussed Testimony-scene is shown preceding the Baptism: John, from the bank of a river, points to the other side, where, amidst the populous crowd of Pharisees and Levites, unseen by them, emerges the nearly frontal figure of the Saviour, who gazes at the viewer (fig. 5).[28] Above the scene, John 1:26-27 is legible: “I baptise with water; but there is one among you whom you do not recognise, the one who is coming after me, whose sandal strap I am not worthy to untie.” The same iconographical type appears in the apse of the southern transept of the Monastery of Chilandar; here, to the left of the Baptism, the Baptist and the delegation from Jerusalem opposite him, with the frontal figure of Christ in the centre, stand on the same bank of the river (fig. 6).[29] On the banderole of the Baptist, the condensed text of John 1:26 can be read. Underwood, on the basis of the fresco of the Protaton Church, reconstructs a similar rendition on the first vault of the exonarthex of the Chora Church (Kariye Djami), Istanbul.[30]

 

The first extant Western example of the iconographical type is the painting of the Museum of Fine Arts Budapest discussed here. Unlike the mentioned examples, this is a symmetrical composition. John is flanked by his listeners, this time with more people seated than standing, yet, the correspondence is quite obvious: in the midst of the group of the Pharisees and priests listening to John emerges Christ; he is among them, but they do not perceive it yet. The Logos, retaining its frontal posture, looks towards John, raises his right hand in blessing, and holds a book in his left. The work is richer in emotion, and more substantive than its Eastern antecedents in so far as besides its primary theme of the preaching, the painter also expresses the intimate, yet for the time being, secret communication between Christ and John. The Forerunner – like a great actor in a double role – simultaneously addresses his listeners and the Redeemer. As opposed to the Byzantine examples, his audience does not look hostile: the Jews listen to his words in devotion, as can be read in the nearly contemporaneous biography of the Baptist by Domenico Cavalca.[31]

 

Masolino’s fresco of around 1435 on the eastern wall of the chapel of Castiglione d’Olona follows the same iconographical type, yet can be related to another passage (fig. 7).[32] This time, the inscription on the Baptist’s banderole reads: “Ecce agnus dei ecce qui tollit peccata mundi/hic est de quo dixi. postmevent”,[33] and the Forerunner here already preaches to the followers of Christ, who do not seem to notice the figure of the Saviour emerging from among them. In this case, the rendition is also at least as much about the still hidden relationship between John and Christ as about the preaching itself.[34]

 

Further renditions follow other iconographical types, but illustrate the passage “but there is one among you whom you do not recognise” (John 1:26). One such example is the scene on the southern gate of the western façade of the Auxerre Cathedral (fig. 8).[35] In the first rendition of the central zone of the pediment, preceding the Baptism, St John preaches to people partly seated and partly standing. One of the seated listeners can be identified with Christ on the basis of his crossed nimbus.

On a bas de page of a Southern German antiphonary from the end of the fifteenth century originating from a Poor Clare cloister, the Baptist preaches to elegant ladies settled on the edge of a forest, who are unaware that Christ is also present in their company (fig. 9).[36]

In Pieter Bruegel the Elder’s (1525/30–1569) painting in the Museum of Fine Arts, Budapest, Christ stands at the edge of the crowd, behind St John; the gesture of the Forerunner’s outstretched left arm is understood only by him and the viewer, and not by the audience.[37]

 

III. “whom you do not recognise

 

The cited passage – “but there is one among you whom you do not recognise” – refers to the fact that the Messiah has already arrived; presently it is only the Forerunner who can see him, but he will soon reveal Himself to everyone. It is understandable that, with reference to the passage, the commentaries usually discuss the double nature. Origen: “Christ is so superior that although He is invisible due to His divinity, He is present for everyone and He is part of the whole world, which He discloses with the following words: ‘but there is one among you whom you do not recognise’” [38] St Gregory the Great: “With this and other mysteries, our Saviour lets out His secret, declaring that He stood among the people who were unaware of it. The Lord appeared in human form: He came as God in body, in His invisible majesty.”[39] Paschasius Radbertus: “And John relates: but there is one among you whom you do not recognise. And if He is always present for everyone, how can parables say that He leaves or wanders? Unless for the reason that […] He is not encircled by a body, but He is complete everywhere and He is omnipresent.”[40] Rupert von Deutz: “‘there stands One among you who, coming after me, is preferred before me for He was before me’ […] that in body the Lord came to this world after John, is doubtless to everyone. Since his […] birth […] preceded that of the Lord with six months. So what John tells about him that he ‘was before me’cannot refer to the incarnation of the Logos […].”[41] Ludolphus de Saxonia: “ […] is one among you, i.e., the one of whom I prophesy is present among you, who is a mediator between God and the humans, whom you do not recognise […]. These words can be explained partly on the basis of the human character of Christ, namely that he actually lived among the Jews, that he mingled with humans as if being from among them, and it was not recognised that the one who was believed to come is already present. Or it can be explained on the basis of Christ’s divinity, that he is omnipresent and invisible. And according to this, he is there among all created things, yet no one knows about it, since no one notices him.”[42] Subsequently, in John 1:26-27, Luther sees a reference to Christ’s divinity, while Melanchton to his humanity.[43]

 

IV. The Budapest painting and the Maestà

 

In my opinion, the essence of the painting’s iconography is not that “St John the Baptist bears testimony”, but the content of this testimony, the fact that the Messiah is still hiding, although he has come. The golden lines on Christ’s robe signify the latter, the arrival, the epiphany of the divine nature. And this theme and the way Duccio treated it fits into the first place of the back predella of the Maestà – where Miklós Boskovits imaginarily placed it – at least as much as its rivals in the literature, The Baptism or The First Temptation.[44]

 

In this place, it would be a proper introduction to the series about Christ’s public life and not only from chronological aspects. As Christoph Wagner pointed out, an important theme of the back predella is the transition from blindness to sight, from darkness to light, the process during which Jesus, not recognised by the Jews and the Pharisees, finally manifests himself in resplendent glory.[45] This is expressed by the two successive scenes of the Healing of the Blind and the Transfiguration: the man born blind casts the first glance of his eye on the Christ of the Transfiguration, whose robe, this time, is exceptionally not radiating with white but with gold.

From among the post-Resurrection scenes, only the last depiction of the central panel, representing Christ in the company of the disciples at Emmaus, shows him without his robe radiating with gold. This time he happens to wear the camelhair tunic of the Baptist. With this exception, the painter may refer to the incognito of the Saviour, to the fact that the disciples’ “…eyes were prevented from recognising him.”[46] As in the Budapest painting the Messiah reveals himself to John for a short time in advance, not yet publicly, here – at a later date, but  also temporarily and also in a secret way –  he hides his divine essence. In both cases, the painter expresses this with the device of the golden striations.

 

Finally, the Budapest painting also would fit vertically into the back of the altarpiece, above, with the Resurrected appearing through the locked door, his robe and body shining with gold.

As regards the potential relationship of the Budapest panel with the front side of the Maestà: as a painting representing the outset of the Mission, the first appearance of the adult Saviour, it would perfectly correspond to the Annunciation, the first scene on the front predella.[47] In both cases, golden striations symbolise the divine nature appearing in the given moment. Moreover, the iconography of the painting would be an adequate continuation of the last scene of the infancy on the front side, which shows the twelve-year-old Christ in the moment before his self-revelation.[48]

 

Finally, in one of the Passion-scenes, Duccio, although with a different sign similarly plays with presence and hiddenness, visibility and invisibility as in the panel of the Museum of Fine Arts, Budapest. In the scene of the Washing of the Feet, apparently eleven but actually twelve disciples are present. The head of Judas not wearing a halo, seen from the back, is hardly discernible (fig. 10). It can also be told about him – mutatis mutandis – that “there is one among you whom you do not recognise.”

Miklós Boskovits backed up his theory that the painting belonged to the Maestà with stylistic arguments.[49] The physical state of the picture does not rule out, and the iconographical analysis definitely corroborates his supposition. With all probability the painting in the Museum of Fine Arts, Budapest, originally belonged to the predella of Duccio’s Maestà.

 

 



[1] V. M. Schmidt, “A Duccesque Painting Representing St John the Baptist Bearing Witness in the Museum of Fine Arts”, Bulletin du Musée Hongrois des Beaux-Arts 96 (2002), 51–66. On the painting, see A. Pigler, Katalog der Galerie alter Meister, Budapest, 1967, 197 (School of Duccio); Museum of Fine Arts Budapest. Old Masters’ Gallery. A Summary Catalogue of Italian, French, Spanish and Greek Paintings, ed. V. Tátrai, London–Budapest 1991, 35 (ascribed to Duccio di Buoninsegna). M. Boskovits, Rezension von: James H. Stubblebine, Duccio di Buoninsegna and His School, Princeton, 1979 and John White, Duccio. Tuscan Art and the Medieval Workshop, London, 1979, The Art Bulletin 64 (1982), 496–502; M. Boskovits, The Thyssen-Bornemisza Collection. Early Italian Painting 1290–1470, London 1990, 76.

[2] Schmidt 2002, 53 and 58. In the author’s opinion, the painting was executed in Ugolino di Nerio’s workshop and is the only extant predella painting of an altarpiece dedicated to St John the Baptist.

[3] On 5 May, 2007 András Fáy and Imre Nemcsics made an X-ray, an infrared reflectographic and a microscopic examination of the painting. Here I would like to express my thanks to them and also to Ildikó Ember.

[4] K. Onasch, Liturgie und Kunst der Ostkirche in Stichworten, Leipzig 1981, 77; P. Hills, The Light of Early Italian Painting, New Haven–London 1987, 25–28; R. S. Nelson, Illumination, in The Oxford Dictionary of Byzantium, ed. A. P. Kazhdan, New York 1991, vol. 2, 986; R. Baxter, Chrysography, in Grove Art Online, Oxford University Press (2006) <http://www.groveart.com>. On the technique see D. V. Thompson, The Materials and Techniques of Medieval Painting, Dover 1956, 198–203.

[5] E. H. Gombrich, “The Heritage of Apelles”, in The Heritage of Apelles. Studies in the Art of the Renaissance II, London 1976, 3–18.

[6] V. Lasareff, “Early Italo-Byzantine Painting in Sicily”, The Burlington Magazine 63 (1933), 283–284; O. Demus, “Zwei konstantinopler Marienikonen des 13. Jahrhunderts”, Jahrbuch der Österreichischen Byzantinischen Gesellschaft 7 (1958), 87–104; J. Stubblebine, “Two Byzantine Madonnas from Calahorra, Spain”, The Art Bulletin 48 (1966), 379; J. Polzer, “Some Byzantine and Byzantinising Madonnas painted during the later Middle Ages”, Part I, Arte cristiana 791 (1999), 83–90.

[7] J. White, Duccio. Tuscan Art and the Medieval Workshop, London 1979, 23–24; H. Belting, “The ‘Byzantine’ Madonnas. New Facts about Their Italian Origin and Some Observation on Duccio”, Studies in the History of Art 12 (1982) 18–22; H. Belting, Likeness and Presence: Image before the Era of Art,  [Munich 1990], ChicagoLondon 1994, 370–376; M. B. Hall, Color and Meaning. Practice and Theory in Renaissance Painting, Cambridge 1992, 34–5; Polzer 1999, 86; L. Bellosi in Duccio. Alle origini della pittura senese, a cura di A. Bagnoli–R. Bartalini–L. Bellosi–M. Laclotte, Milan 2003, 148 and 154. On Duccio’s masterly handling of gold as if it was a multi-toned colour see F. Deuchler, Duccio. Zum Gold als Farbe, in Von Farbe und Farben. Albert Koepfli zum 70. Geburstag, Veröffentlichungen des Instituts für Denkmalpflege an der Eidgenössischen Technischen Hochschule Zürich Band 4, Zurich 1980, 303–307; F. Deuchler, Duccio, Milan 1984, 165–167.

[8] The question is tackled more or less in detail by Hall 1992, 35; Ch. Wagner, Metaphern der Blindheit und des Sehens in der Dantezeit. Beobachtungen zur “Heilung des Blindgeborenen” in Duccios “Maestà”, in Festschrift für Christian Lenz. Von Duccio bis Beckmann, Frankfurt am Main 1998, 24–25 (with special regard to the Transfiguration); R. P. Tarr, ”Ecce Virgo Concipiet”. The Iconography and Context of Duccio’s London Annunciation, Viator 31 (2002), 198, 201, 207–208 (with special regard to the Annunciation).

[9] Wagner 1998, 24. According to Hills this differentiation – not by gold – was made for the first time only by Taddeo Gaddi. See Hills 1987, 75–82.

Gombrich regards as one of the greatest merits of Giotto that he fully excluded gold from his art, even at the expense that he had to totally ignore the phenomenon of glitter. (E. H. Gombrich, “Light, Form and Texture in Fifteenth-Century Painting North and South of the Alps”, The Journal of the Royal Society of Arts, no. 5099 (1964), vol. 112, 826–849) This is really a novelty of outstanding importance, but Duccio’s merits are no less significant either; he succeeded in differentiating between modelling and reflecting light; see Hills 1987, 98.

[10] It is also disregarded in the literature that Duccio is among the greatest innovators also in the field of grisaille-painting. See e.g., the illusionistic statues symbolising demons on the last predella scene on the front side of the Maestà representing the twelve-year-old Jesus (P. Seiler, “Duccios Tempelgötzen. Antijüdische Kritik oder mittelalterliches Wissen über römische Götter- und Kaiserstatuen im biblischen Jerusalem?”, Pegasus. Berliner Beiträge zum Nachleben der Antike 3 (2001), 76–77). In my opinion, the little that Vasari writes on Duccio should be taken much more seriously than before (Le vite de’ più eccellenti pittori, scultori e architettori, 1568, con nuove annotazioni e commenti di Gaetano Milanesi, 1, Firenze 1906, 653–659). The highly-esteemed element repeated three times in the inadequately short biography is that “he was the first who made such marble mosaics – on the floor of the Cathedral of Siena – on which the figures are laid out from black and white stones; this method […] was raised to astonishing perfection by modern artists.” In spite of the fact that the biography is full of errors and the floor of the Cathedral of Siena was made after Duccio’s death, Duccio could indeed play a role in the working out of the brand new method of “the monochrome painting of light and shade”. The question was only raised by Wagner (Wagner 1998, 18).

[11] With regard to the structure of the Maestà, I follow White’s reconstruction. See 1979, 50–95, figs. 51–52.

[12] He appears on the road to Emmaus; M. Davies, National Gallery Catalogues. The Early Italian Schools Before 1400, rev. D. Gordon, London 1988, 19; Hall 1992, 35; see further note 46.

[13] Pigler 1967, 197; J. H. Stubblebine, “The Back Predella of Duccio’s Maestà”, in Studies in Late Medieval and Renaissance Painting in Honor of Millard Meiss, ed. I. Lavin–J. Plummer, New York 1977, vol. 1, 433–434; J. H. Stubblebine, Duccio di Buoninsegna and His School, Princeton 1979, vol. 1, 53–54.

[14] Matthew 3:3; 3:11; 11:10; Mark 1:7-8; Luke 3:16.

[15] John 1:6-7.

[16] John 1:15; 1:23; 1:26; 1:27; 1:29; 1:30; 1:32; 1:34; 1:35; 1:37; 3:22-36.

[17] L. Réau, Iconographie de l’art chrétien II. Iconographie de la Bible I. Ancient testament, Paris 1956, 448, nos. 7, 8, 10; A. Masseron, Saint Jean Baptiste dans l’art, Paris 1957, 75–85; G. Millet, Recherches sur l’iconographie de l’évangile aux XIVe, XVe et XVIe siècles d’après les monuments de Mistra, de la Macédonie et du Mont-Athos, Paris 1960, 186–191; P. A. Underwood, The Kariye Djami, New York 1966, vol. 1, 111; E. Weis, Johannes der Täufer, in Lexikon der christlichen Ikonographie, ed. E. Kirschbaum–W. Braunfels, Rome–Freiburg–Basel–Vienna 1968–1976, vol. 7, 181–182, nos. 18, 20, 22; J. Bia³ostocki, Die Predigt Johannis des Täufers von Pieter Bruegel dem Älteren, Nedec 1986; F.- A. Metzsch von, Johannes der Täufer. Seine Geschichte und seine Darstellung in der Kunst, Munich 1989, 51; B. Hartwieg, D. Lüdke, Vier gotische Tafeln aus dem Leben Johannes’des Täufers, Karlsruhe 1994, 35; Zs. Urbach, “An Ecce Agnus Dei Attributed to Juan de Flandes. A Lost Panel from a Hypothetical Altarpiece”, Jaarboek van het Koninklijk Museum voor Schone Kunsten 2001, 193.

[18] Figs. 5 and 6, e.g., in the present article belong to the former category. The latter is typical of eleventh- to twelfth-century Byzantine gospels. See I. Falk, Studien zu Andrea Pisano, Hamburg 1940, 108.

[19] See Istanbul, Chora Church (Kariye Djami), exonarthex, second vault: an image related to John 1:29-34, but with the inscription John 1:15 (Millet 1960, 189). The “ecce agnus dei” is uttered two times (John 1:29 and 1:36); this fact is either recognised by artists and art historians, or not. See H. Belting, “Das Zeugnis des Johannes und die Verkündigung an Maria. Die beiden Szenen des Einhardsbogens”, in Das Einhardskreuz. Vorträge und Studien der Münsteraner Diskussion zum arcus Einhardi ed. K. Hauck, Göttingen 1974, 73; Stubblebine 1977, 433: distinguishes not only between the two “ecce agnus dei” occasions (“first and second Recognition”), but also separates the “testimonies” from them (“John the Baptist Bearing Witness of Christ”).

[20] It often happens that the depictions of St John Bearing Witness figure under the title of the Preaching of St John, which is partly justified but is only one facet of the truth. See Falk 1940, passim; I. Falk–J. Lányi, “The Genesis of Andrea Pisano’s Bronze Doors”, The Art Bulletin 25 (1943), 140–142; J. Kaak, Rembrandts Grisaille Johannes der Täuferpredigend, HildesheimZurichNew York 1994, 35–36.

[21] A. Pigler, Barockthemen, 2. ed., Budapest 1974, Vol. 1, 273: “Predigt Johannis der Täufers über den Heiland, der, dem Volke noch unbekannt, anwesend ist. Joh. 1:26”. It is another question that from among the examples enumerated by him, it is only the Budapest Bruegel which is indeed related to this given passage. That is why I cannot agree with Zsuzsa Urbach, according to whom, “it was only Andor Pigler who distinguished the two episodes (the Preaching and the Ecce Agnus Dei)” (Urbach 2001, 193). In the Iconoclass: “John the Baptist preaching (perhaps Christ among the Bystanders).” (H. van de Waal: Iconoclass, an iconographic classification system, Amsterdam–Oxford–New York 1981 7, 197).

[22] Stubblebine 1977, 433; id. 1979, 53.

[23] H. Omont, Évangiles avec peinture byzantines du XIe siècle. Reproduction des 361 miniatures du manuscrit grec 74 de la Bibliothèque Nationale, Paris 1908, 143/b: “Jean rend témoignage de Dieu devant les sacrificateurs et les lévites envoyés de Jérusalem par les Juifs”; 144/a: “Jean répond aux pharisens”.

[24] Ibid., 144/b: “Il baptise dans le Jourdain et voit venir Jésus.”

[25] Ibid., 145/a: “Jean rend de nouveau témoignage à Jésus”.

[26] See Millet 1960, 188, to verso 168: “Jean baptise un Juif en présemce de Jésus et de cinq disciples: image étrangère au récit, sans doute interpolée, à cause d’une allusion placée dans la bouche du Baptiste (Joh. 1:26)”.

[27] Stubblebine 1977, 1979 (note 14.) ibid.

[28] G. Millet, Monuments de l’Athos: Les Peintures, Paris 1927, pls. 6.1, 7.2, 11.2, 14. 3; P. A. Underwood, Some Problems in Programs and Iconography of Ministry Cycles, in The Kariye Djami IV. Studies in the Art of the Kariye Djami and Its Intellectual Background, London 1975, 273; M. Acheimastou-Potamianou, Byzantine Wall–Painting, Athens 1994, 236 (Manuel Panselinos c. 1290).

[29] Millet 1927, pls. 64.1, 66.2; Underwood 1975, ibid.

[30] Underwood 1966, no. 114, pls. 211, 215.

[31] D. Cavalca, Le Vite dei S. S. Padri, Milan [n. d.] 1 vol, 332–337. On the dating of the text to around 1300, see P. A. Dunford, “The Iconography of the Frescoes in the Oratorio di San Giovanni at Urbino”, Journal of the Warburg and Courtauld Institutes, 36 (1973), 367.

[32] P. Joannides, Masaccio and Masolino. A Complete Catalogue, London 1993, 288–289.

[33] From among the three mentions of the second part of the text (“this was he who comes after me”), one in fact directly follows the passage “is one among you…” (John 1:15; 1:27; 1:30).

[34] Further examples – already within the frames of another iconographical type – of John bearing witness represented together with the first followers of Christ (John 3:22-36): Fourteenth-century Tuscan miniature, Paris, BN fr. 9561 (Pigler 1974, ibid.); Dello Delli, Salamanca, Old Cathedral, see Kindlers Malerei Lexikon II, Zurich [n. d.], 387; Master of the St John Altarpiece in Gouda, The Philadelphia Museum of Art, see Urbach 2001, fig. 7.

[35] Falk 1940, 152: “Ein sehr schönes Motiv, das sonst nirgendwo nachzuweisen ist, bringt den jungen Christusknaben unter die Menge der Zuhörer. ..” and n. 334: “Nach Lohmeyer…geht die Vorstellung von Jesus als Schüler des Johannes auf Joh. 3.22 und 4. 1 zurück” (I cannot share this view); W. Sauerländer, Gotische Skulptur in Frankreich 11401270, Munich 1970, 179: “Predigt des Täufers. Unter den Zuhörern

Christus”.

[36] Munich, Bayerische Staatsbibliothek, Cod. Lat. 23043, fol. 110v. (Marburg mi02405d12); see further a French illustration from the end of 15th century of the 2nd chapter of Book X of St Augustine’s City of God: during the Baptist’s preaching, noticed exclusively by him, descends from heaven the naked body of the infant Redeemer radiating with light (The Hague MMW 10A11, fol. 429v).

[37] Pigler 1974, ibid. The situation is the same with Jesus standing farther from the crowd in the preaching scene in the left background of Joachim Patinir’s Baptism (Vienna, Kunsthistorisches Museum). I think that Christ’s presence visible only to John (and the viewer) is much less frequent in the representations of the Preaching than is suggested in literature. See Pigler 1974, ibid.; Bia³ostocki 1986. In the preaching scene of Fra Filippo Lippi’s freso in Prato, the half-figure in the background raising his hand in blessing is probably not Christ either, but John himself. See S. Roettgen, Wandmalerei der Frührenaissance in Italien 14001470, Munich 1996, 307–308. In Domenico Ghirlandaio’s fresco in Santa Maria Novella, Florence, Christ’s figure emerges behind the preaching John, unnoticed by people, in the upper left corner of the composition. This time the painter found an adequate solution for the illustration of the next line, “It is He who coming after me, is preferred before me for He was before me.” (John 1:27). See R. G. Kecks, Domenico Ghirlandaio und die Malerei der Florentiner Renaissance, Munich–Berlin 2000, no. 15/s (I do not agree with the iconographical analysis).

[38] Origène: Commentaire sur Saint Jean II, éd. C. Blanc, Paris 1970 (Sources chrétiennes 157) 246–247, 268–269.

[39] Sancti Gregorii Magni XL homiliarum in evangelia, lib. I. homil. VII, éd. J. P. Migne, Patrologia Latina Series Completa, Paris 1844–1864 (in the following: PL), 76, 1101. Bede Venerabilis expresses it in a similar way: S. Joannis evangelium expositio, II. 1. PL, 92 647.

[40] S Paschasii Radberti Expositio im Matthaeum lib. XI, Cap. 25, PL, 120, 848.

[41] Ruperti Abbatis Tuitiensis Comment in Joan lib. I. PL, 169, 224.

[42] Ludolphus de Saxonia: Vita Jesu Christi e quatuor evangeliis, 2 vols. ed. A. C. Bolard–R. M. Rigollot–J. Carnandet, Paris–Rome 1865, I, 93–94. The author of the Meditationes vitae Christi does not mention this passage of the gospel, but the quotation by St Bernardinus, which he inserts into the reflection before the Baptism is equivalent to the meaning of John 1:26: “In the multitude he came to John’ baptising. He came as one from the people […] Who would have thought that he is God’s son? Who would have thought that he is the Lord of Glory? Lord, […] you have hidden yourself too much! But before John you could not hide yourself.” (I. Ragusa, R. B. Green, Meditations on the Life of Christ. An Illustrated Manuscript of the Fourteenth Century, Princeton 1961, 107 – St Bernardinus: In epiphania domini sermo 1, PL 183, 145).

[43] T. J. Wengert, Philip Melanchton’s Annotationes in Johannem in Relation to its Predecessors and Contemporaries Genève, Droz 1987, 151.

[44] White 1979, 86, 122 (both are plausible, the Baptism is more probable); V. I. Stoichitǎ, Duccio e la maniera greca, Revue des études sud-est européennes 12 (1979), 516 (Baptism); Deuchler 1984, 74 (the Baptism is more probable than the Temptation); Davies–Gordon 1988, 21 (Baptism); C. Jannella, Duccio di Buoninsegna, Florence 1991, 36 (probably Baptism); D. Norman, “A Noble Panel” Duccio’s Maestà, Siena, Florence and Padua. Art, Society and Religion 12801400, vol. 2., ed. D. Norman, Yale University Press, 1995. vol. 2. 73 (Temptation); L. Bellosi, Duccio. La Maestà, Milan 1998, 18 (probably Baptism); V. M. Schmidt, Duccio di Buoninsegna, in Saur Allgemeines Künstlerlexikon. Die Bildenden Künstler aller zeiten und Völker, vol. 30, Munich–Leipzig 2001, 155 (Temptation); Schmidt 2002, 151 (Temptation); Bagnoli et al 2003, 212 (Baptism or Temptation). This time, I do not enumerate the authors who, instead of  nine, count elevent predella scene. They include Stubblebine, too, who would place the Budapest painting, or more precisely its supposed original, on the lateral, short end of the predella (Stubblebine 1977, 1979, ibid.).

[45] Wagner 1998, 21–25; White 1979, 122; Norman 1995, 66–67.

[46] Luke 24:16.

[47] Réau 1956, 439: draws a parallel between the Archangel Gabriel and the Forerunner bearing Witness (“Par son index levé, il [Jean le Baptiste] exprime, comme l’archange Gabriel, sa mission d’Annonciateur.”)

[48] Seiler 2001, 88.

[49] Boskovits 1982, 499: “grouping of figures in compact masses, the close alignment of the intense profiles to emphasise concentrated attention, the measured but eloquent gestures of the minute hands, the crispness of the drapery patterns, and even the somewhat clumsily foreshortened shoulders of the figures in half profile, seen from the back, recall the great master’s scenes on the reverse of the Maestà”; Boskovits 1990, 76; Boskovits’ view is shared by M. Leoncini, Duccio di Buoninsegna, La pittura in Italia. Il Trecento, Milan 1986, 569; L. Bellosi, Duccio di Buoninsegna in: Enciclopedia dell’arte medievale, Istituto della Enciclopedia Italiana, dir. A. M. Romanini, Rome 1994, vol. 5, 746; D. Gordon, Duccio (di Buoninsegna), The Grove Dictionary of Art, ed. J. Turner, Oxford University Press, 2003, vol. 9, 345.